Newspapers / The Progressive Farmer (Raleigh, … / July 31, 1894, edition 1 / Page 1
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THE PEOGEESSIV P TDlFTTi 1 THE INDUSTRIAL AND EDUCATIONAL INTERESTS OF OUR PEOPLE PARAMOUNT TO ALL OTHER CONSIDERATIONS OF STATE POLICY. JLijuUL RALEIGH, N. C, JULY 31, 1894. No. - I771 pidmPP? ALLI. . -t-j m l. r iii"---- fflS NA i . .,n twnTISTRI AL AN UNION. p.esident-MariButler, Goldsboro, President-J. L. Gilbert, Cali- -Treasurer Col. D. P. Dun fgbim S. O. EXECUTIVE BOARD. a L. Loucks, Huron, S. D ; Mann & Jmrlon Virginia; I. E. Dean, veFaU Vew fork; H. C. Dem ScretoiT. Harrisburg, Pennsyl- Tsui- judiciary. 0 a southworth, Denver, Colo. CAROLINA FARMERS' STATE ALLI- president J. M. Mewborne, Kinston, fce President-J. S. Bridges, Ca STroasurcr-W. S. Barnes, BtNrLcyru8 Thompson, Rich-Lccturer-J. T. B. Hoover, Sn-Dr. T- T sPei8ht' Lewis-toDookCeeper-Geo. T. Lane, Greena S&S Doorkeeper-H. E. King, Pe R- Hancock, S BusirBsAgent-W. H. Worth, l&s'incss AeencvFund-W. i Graham, Machpelah, IS. rTEOTHE COMMITTEE OF THE NORTH wSlSA FARMERS' STATE ALLIANCE. Marion Butler, Goldsboro, N. C. ; J. j.Long, Epka, N. C. ; A. F. Hileman, Concord, N. C. g'ATS ALLIANCE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE, V M. Culbreth, Whiteville N. C. ; John Brady, Gates ville, N. C. ; John Graham, Ridgeway, N. C. 8rth Carolina Reform Press Association: Ofxers-J. L. Ramsey President ; iarion Butler, Vice-President; TP. S. Harriet, Secretary, PAPERS. Progressive Fanner, State Organ, Raleigh, N. C. VTarrTirv HlCKOry, N. C Carolina Dispatch, r, Hertford, N. U. Our Home. Beaver Dam, N. C. The Revolution, Marion, N. C. t&slow Biade, Peanut, N. C Each of the above-named papers are fretted to keep the list standing on t first page and add otliers, provided they are duly elected. Any paper fail- !n0 to advocate the Ocala platform will k dropped from the list promptly. Our pteple can now see what papers are ywli&hed in their interest. EDITORIAL SUGGESTIONS. i , The hen turns grass into greenbacks, grain into gold, and even coin silver out of sand. A roof to protect from rain is all that Jowls on their perches require during this warm season. Impure air in stables in which cows we kept is much worse than flies. Give all the circulation of air possible. It is not best to milk in the ordinary stable. Not one stable in a thousand clean enough to milk in in summer. Damaged grain, moldy meal and fer mented feed cause nearly all the dis eases that offlict poultry in the sum mer time. good market for the farmer's cheap heat is to be found in his poultry fart. With the addition of a little labor he can realize one dollar ner toshel for it. Prof. W. F. Massey thinks Eastern ortQ Carolina ahead of Long Island an Irish potato country, in fact for f kinds cf trucking. We believe this to be a fact. Hiliet and rye are two good grains jsow at this time for poultry pasture. t some of the millet make heads and partly ripen eeed. This when cut is Client for winter feeding. The moment you find a chicken, 0QDg or old, drooping about sick, kill U may ba lice, cholera or roup. lJ the eick chicken, find out what Jjaease it had and go to work on the well one?. If there are poor spots in your field prove them. Djn't let them wash aJ" by failing to cultivate. Sow Jp8 CIover or some kind of grass and manure It will help to make your look better. JuT Britieh House of Commons, y!2:h, the President of the Board Agriculture said the conclusion had jte& reached by the government that ould be impossible for the present penso with the requirement that da ,nadian cattlQ arriving should be Xevp?ricd at the Prt of Ending, erthelesa, he was glad to state that exiim0 of the 001110 examined by the of SI n emPloyed by the commission Crt f d of Agriculture, had been S with contagious TH1 -ROWTH OF FEDERAL MO- a NOPOLY. Our r onal Government Has Gradually A rbed the Powers of the tates Dangers of Cen C. tralized Federal Monopoly. Cor. of the Progressive Farmer. My address, lately delivered in North ampton county and herewith submitted for publication, is intended to show how the United States Government has gradually absorbed the powers of the States and undermined the rights of individuals. The new career of absorption and monopoly, begun in 1861 and continued ever since, I shall barely touch upon. This shall be reserved for a darker chapter of our history than that I have herewith submitted. I have merely shown the beginning of the evils. The thin edge of the wedge driven between the people and their liberties and between the States and their sov ereignties, "was started many long years before the war. The sledge hammer blows upon this wedge from the days of Abraham Lincoln to the days of Grover Cleveland have driven it homo ! Wejlo not now live under the gov ernment of our fathers -it has been greatly changed, and not in the man ner provided by the Constitution. No amount of discussion can bring the government back to its original prin ciple, but it may retard the progress toward centralization. The people have protected" that is exempted from taxation labor and cap ital yea even foreign labor a".d capi tal, until they have built themselves a home and a To .-tin" cation in the great cities from which you may never dis lodge them. Wolves are sometimes divided among themselves, as at Chi cago now, but they are, or will be, united against the lambs. I know now after much doubt and tribulation that God rules this world with the closest personal care and love as well as by law, but it is not in dero gation either of His love or His law that a corrupt tree bringeth forth evil fruit. We are now reaping the legiti mate fruits of ignorance, carelessness, neglect and contempt of the nature of the government and the duties of citi zenship. If the people intend to take the gov ernment in charge they must fit them selves for it by a careful consideration of its first principles, its history and its tendencies. The road to national destruction is broad and easy and many nations have found it: 1st. Capital creates a preference in favor of a few States and individuals ; and labor in the cities, especially in the great cities, is taken into copartnership with capital, but it is an unequal partnership, and the partners do not always dwell together in peace, as at Chicago now. 2d. A factional fight is organized by the preferred States and individuals and their dependants against the un preferred. 3d. The spoil hunters gradually as sume control of the camp of the unpre ferred and keep the real vital questions obscured. 4th. State and national politics are confounded, confused and conglomer ated under party names and omnibus platforms as if ten thousand lawsuits were being tried at once, and the be fuddled jury (the people) give their verdict for all the plaintiffs (one politi cal party) or all the defendants (the other political party.) 5th. Capitalists and monied corpora tions take charge of both political camps, mortgage their leaders by cam paign contributions and other methods and dictate their platforms and nom iness. 6th. Federal and State offices are distributed by high officials among the people to bribe and buy them up in the interest of said ofiicials. The people are corrupted with their own money ! The aggregate sum of all the salaries distributed to corrupt the free expres sion of the popular will is appalling and growing with monstrous cumula tion. 7th. Newspapers are bought up, or influenced to become mere party organs, and these keep the people in a ceaseless wrangle and jabber about parties, offices, campaigns, war rackets, dead issues and personal abuse until they become unfit to consider their own interest. They grow morbidly fond of political excitement and per sonal politics. After a man gets the partisan cam paign fever on him good, a sound argu ment will vomit him as quick as fresh meat will a buzzard. If the sovereign people will take as much interest in discussion of their government as sov ereign Wall street does, our institutions will not long remain in jeopardy. Wall street is already familiar with all the facts contained in the following ad dress : THE CHANGED RELATIONSHIP OF THE STATE AND FEDERAL Q O VERNMluNTS. In the most important counts in that celebrated indictment against kingcraft commonly know as the declaration of independenbe, the gov ernment of England is arraigned for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world, for imposing taxes on us without our consent, for erecting a multitude of new offices and sending among us a swarm of officers to harasss our people and eat out their substance, and for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us. Whether any of these evils which brought on the War of the Revolution exist now or have been aggravated we will consider later on. Thomas Jefferson, who was the in carnation of the spirit of democracy in America, was in France at the making and adoption of the constitution, but he wrote to Madison, who was after wards President, that the object of forming a general government was for protection against foreign nations and the settlement of disputes between the States. The constitution which Jtfferson had been the main instrument in making and which Washington fought to establish, I mean the Articles of Con federation as they were called, clearly showed the main evil to be guarded against, even when we locked in the throes of a foreign war, was the dan ger of destruction of the States by the Federal Government. So these Ar tides of Confederation provided that each State should have an equal vote in Congress without regard to popula tion, that no troops or Federal taxes could be levied in any State without the consent of its legislature. Even the power to make war and treaties of peace and the power to coin money and regulate its value could not be ex ercised without the consent of nine out of thirteen States, and the articles themselves were utterly inoperative without the consent of all the States expressed separately through their leg islatures. They could only be amended by the common consent of all the States. They were called a "solemn league of friendship." It may be .shrewdly suspected that the aristscratic influence in Virginia, which Jefferson had lately done so much to dethrone, and the money hunters in New York and New England rather rejoiced in the opportunity afforded by Jefferson's absence in France to make a new constitution; certainly they had a good excuse, for the articles of confederation needed amendment in several particulars and there was some need of haste too as the North and South had already be gun to drift apart. This new codstitu tion is that under which we now live. The first ten amendments to our present Federal Constitution (which were intended to give fuller protection to the powers reserved to the States and to the rights of individuals than was originally guaranteed by that in strument) were adopted two years after the formation of the government, and old North Carolina which was about the last to adopt the constitution was among the first to adopt the amendments. As you well know, North Carolina at first rejected and for two years hesitated about and finally accepted the constitution only when it was ascertained that the ten amendments were to become a part of it. In the light of our subsequent his tory, this action of the 4 'Old North State1' is shown to be one of the most decent and wisest she ever performed. If another amendment which she pro posed had been made a part of the con stitution, that the States instead of the United States should determine the time, place and manner of holding Federal elections, the menace of the force bill would never have been felt or feared. As soon as the war was over the question of taxation again thrust up its hydra head. Direct taxes, which under the articles of confederation had been apportioned according to the value of lands in the several States, were found to be unjust, and an apportionment according to population was proposed by the f ramers of our present constitu tion. This was objected to because the negro was not as good as a white man. Bo Voi3cL for G-roer. j jj jw After reading the business reports for 1893-94 our sad, but honest, friend starts his new kicking machine. Go thou and do likewise. The machines are for sale by the Progressive Farmer. Order early, as the demand is great. 100,000 men in North Carolina alone are dying to get machines. It waB finally settled by deciding five negroes equal to three white men, and t' e apportionment waa made accord ingly. Indirect taxes also furnished a diffi culty to "a more perfect union." The States had been regulating the duties upon imports, and of course different rates obtained in the different States. This was thought to be an evil by the seekers after uniformity. The diffi culty was that the value of exports from the South was much greater than those from the North ; this of course meant much greater imports and con sequent wealth to the South. With grave reason, therefore, were the Southern State3 jealous of putting themselves in the power or partly in the power of those who were interested to "improve" what they called the "home market," and also to make themselves the middle men between the South and those foreign States which must be the main buyers of its products. This was one of the great questions which came up for settlement in the constitutional convention which met at Philadelphia, May 14th, 1787, with Washington as President and a Jackson as Secretary. It was settled by giving the power of collecting all duties on imports to the general gov ernment, but making the duties uni form throughout the United States, that is the same at all ports. The new constitution also created the offices of President, Vice President, Senator and Judges of the Supreme Court, which offices were unknown to the articles of confederation. The officer now commonly known as the United States Senator is more proper ly speaking a State officer. He repre sents the sovereign State in the Fed eral Government, and is sent to Wash ington to watch the conduct of the treaty between the States commonly called the Constitution of the United States. Each State sends two Senators, and every State, however small, has an equal voice in the deliberations of the Senate the highest branch of our government. The fatal weakness of the Constitution is that the United States Government, instead of the States, is allowed to pay the Senators for their services in protecting the States against the encroachment of that government. This is far worse for us than if we allowed foreign na tions to pay our ministers sent to rep sent us at their courts. It is because the States have been often betrayed in the Senate that Supreme Court Judges have been confirmed who were the friends of monopoly and centralization. There are many sycophants now who whisper with serpent hiss among the people" that these nine distinguished lawyers sitting in Washington as a court have a better right to an opinion on purely political questions than any other citizens. I have been told that this weakness in our Constitution (al lowing the United States to pay our Senators) was detected and exposed in the North Carolina Convention at Hills boro, which rejected the Federal Con stitution, but I have never seen the record. The man who led the opposi tion in that convention which finally culminated in securing to us the first ten amendments to the Constitution was no other than Wiley Jones, of North Carolina. Peace ba to his ashes. He always said he had the sanction of Jtfferson in what he did ; and that great statesman used the opposition of North Carolina as a lever to get the Constitu tion amended. The Representatives mainly repre sent the people of the United States, though they are voted for by the people of the States, but each State elects a member in proportion to its inhabit ants. You see our fathers never lost sight of the States and State boundar ies. They knew where the rub was go ing to be. Of course the United States pays the Representatives as they are most properly United States officers. The President and Vice-President were intended to represent the people of the United States and the States also. They are voted for by electors who are" elected by the people of the several States in number proportionate to representation in Congress, and then they assemble at the capitals of their respective States and cast their ballots. The candidates who receive the highest number of ballots, being a majority of the whole number cast, are declared elected. But the framers of the Constitution expected that often, perhaps most often, there would be no election by the people through their electors, be cause of failure of any candidate to re ceive a majority of the whole number of electoral ballots cast. Thereupon, in such case, the friends of the States caused the Constitution to declare that the States should elect. So in such case the election of President is thrown in the House of Representatives, where the Representatives from each State have one vote ; and the election of Vice President is thrown in the Senate, where the Senators from each State have two votes. In practice, however, the people have been divided for many years into two great sectional factions called political parties, and these have prevented the election of President by the States, except in the case of Adams and Thomas Jefferson, the latter cer tainly "the greateet, and perhaps the only genuine Democrat who was ever elected to the President's chair. It is strange that the system which secured such a man should not now commend itself to the minds of all thinking men. Again the electoral system is pros tituted by the National nominating conventions. The action of all the forty -four electoral colleges sitting separately in forty-four States is fore stalled by the action of two howling mobs usually sitting as political con ventions in a great city so reeking with iniquity that it cannot elect an honest board of aldermen. It is written that a corrupt tree bringeth not forth good fruit. The Constitution prescribes electors chosen by the people. The national party convention system prescribes delegates chosen by a convention of a faction often convened into a mob. The Convention prescribes an election by solemnly sworn electors sitting in sep arate colleges and surrounded by those they represent. The national party convention system prescribes a single unsworn partisan mob of non elective delegates sitting in the lap of corruption a thousand miles from the people they profess to represent. The constitu tional system hath respect unto State3 and State boundaries. These great national conventions are welded in the fierce heat of partisan affiliation until the delegates lose sight of their States and become citizens of a great faction of the Union. These great conventions pay no attention to a State as a separate sovereignty, but only regard it as a section of its par tisans dignified only in proportion to its numbers and the amount of money it puts into the campaign. The people in many States have now gradually come to have a contempt for States and States' rights. Practically, and for many purposes of general govern ment, there are but two States in the Union the two great national parties. An efiort is now being made to form another such State, but with what suc cess I know not. I firmly believe that the great sec tional national party system has done more to destroy the powers of the States and centralize this government than all other causes ; yes, even more than the Supreme Court itself. Of course the United States pays the President and Vice President. The Electors are paid by the States. The Supreme Court, being nominated by the President and subject to the confirmation of the Senate, represents both the States and the United States. If the Senators representing the States had paid the proper regard to the per sonnel of this court, both the protective tariff and the internal revenue taxa- CONTTNUED ON FOURTH FAGS. v
The Progressive Farmer (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
July 31, 1894, edition 1
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